Notes � Lera Boroditsky

Greg Detre

Tuesday, October 01, 2002

 

mentioned to me by Deb Roy 021001,0945

 

Biographical

Lera BORODITSKY � Director, Cognation

������ brain and cognitive sciences

������ metaphorical influence of lang on thought

������ math models

������ space/time

������ look at her recent stuff

 

Cognation

overview

The citizens of cognation investigate the relationships between mind, world, and language. How do nwe construct knowledge from our experiences with the world? How do we use our knowledge to interpret new experiences? In what ways have languages and cultures allowed us to go beyond our innate capabilities and physical experiences to make us as smart as we are?

how do we mentally represent things we've never seen or touched?

what is the relationship between language and thought?

how is knowledge actually used in thought and action?

Lera papers

Ego vs time-moving perspectives

see: Boroditsky & Ramscar, 'The roles of body and mind in abstract thought' in Psychological Science, Vol 13 No 2 March 2002

They conducted four studies, aiming to investigate the relationship between cognitive representations of space and of time. They concluded that actual movement through space, as well as just thinking about movement through space, could affect how you think about time, i.e. whether you consider yourself as an ego moving through time, or as a fixed point which times flows past/through.

They asked people in different circumstances whether when faced with the normally ambiguous statement, �Let�s move the Wednesday meeting forward by two days�, they understood it to mean to Monday or to Friday.

  1. When asked to do a problem set with a number of questions relating to moving an office chair, either by pushing it or pulling it towards yourself attached by a string�
  2. In a lunch queue, the further people had moved, the more ego-moving a perspective they took.
  3. People in an airport answered differently according to whether they were about to depart, had just arrived, or were waiting for someone.
  4. When people just got on a train or were just about to get off, they assumed Friday (ego-moving), but when they�d been on the train for a while and had (presumably) mentally disengaged from the train�s being in motion, chose Monday (time-moving).

Linguistic relativity

She gives a number of examples of experiments which show how different languages use on/in vs tight/loose fit grammatical distinctions, relative/absolute spatial references, shape vs material categorisations, and how grammatical gender can influence your perceptions of nouns.

She does cite an nice (but unsurprising) experiment with pre-linguistic infants, showing how they are able to see the tight vs loose fit distinction before language (either English or Korean) imposes its particular biases. Also though, if you take a group of native English speakers and get them talking about time in a vertical way (like Mandarin speakers) you soon start to get similar effects to Mandarin speakers.

 

Other papers on space and time

Pinker, �How the mind works�, ch 5, section �The metaphorical mind�

see �notes � reason, working ideas 9.doc�

Ray Jackendoff considers the following sentences as using space and motion as a metaphor for more abstract ideas. �Some deductions that apply to motion and space also apply nicely to possession, circumstances and time�. We are not merely co-opting words, but co-opting their �inferential machinery�.

The other fundamental set of metaphors in language is force, agency and causation (c.f. the �impetus theory� underlying people�s intuitive theory of physics). These concepts and relations of space and force �appear to be the vocabulary and syntax of mentalese, the [combinatorial] language of thought�. He speculates whether if �ancestral circuits for reasoning about space and force were copied, the copy�s connections to the eyes and muscles were severed and references to the physical world were bleached out�, �the circuits could serve as a scaffolding whose slots are filled with symbols for more abstract concerns like states, possessions, ideas and desires�.

Lakoff and Johnsons�s list of �metaphors we live by� include �argument is war�, �virtue is up�, �love is a patient/force/madness/magic/war� and �ideas are food/buildings/people/plants� etc.

Regier & Carlson

Terry Regier and Laura Carlson, �Grounding spatial language in perception: An empirical and computational investigation� in Journal of Experimental Psychology: General, 2001. vol. 130(2), 273-298.

Abstract

We ground the linguistic categorization of space in aspects of visual perception. Specifically, we ground the structure of projective spatial terms such as ``above'' in the process of attention, and in vector sum coding of overall direction. We formalize this in the attentional vector sum (AVS) model. This computational model accurately predicts linguistic acceptability judgments for spatial terms, under a variety of spatial configurations. In seven experiments, we test the predictions of the AVS model against those of three competing models. The results support the AVS model, and disconfirm its competitors. We conclude that the structure of linguistic spatial categories may be partially explained in terms of independently motivated perceptual processes.

Notes/excerpts

�one reason to examine spatial language is that it offers the possibility of grounding some aspects of language in non-language�

�what non-linguistic perceptual processes may underlie the semantics of English projective spatial terms, such as 'above'?�

spatial template = (3D) x, y, mean acceptability

4 models of �above�

Excerpts

Boston Globe, �Debate opens anew on language and its effect on cognition�

In English, time rushes forward. In Mandarin Chinese, it moves down. The past lies above, and the future lies below.

she asked people to answer simple time sequence questions while watching a video screen. When objects on the screen move vertically, the Mandarin speakers are able to answer faster than English speakers - implying that their brains processed time questions differently, and hinting that there could be other differences

�And linguists also came to realize that thoughts are much richer than language, undercutting the very notion that people would need a word to think a thought.� - ???

She found a consistent pattern of German speakers using more masculine terms to describe the key - such as ''hard, heavy, jagged'' - while Spanish speakers favored more feminine descriptions, such as ''golden, intricate, lovely.'' Boroditsky said she is now considering studying how the design of bridges - a masculine word in Spanish, but a feminine word in German - differs between the two cultures.

Now, though, the research is turning to even more controversial ground, how speakers of different languages remember events. Gleitman said she had just completed research, accepted but not yet published by the journal Cognition, showing that the different verb structures in English and Spanish do not cause speakers to remember events differently.

But Boroditsky said that she is beginning to uncover ''interesting differences'' in ongoing research into how speakers of Turkish and other languages remember events.

Article about Laughing Squid's "Tentacle Sessions," a living-artist series at North Beach's Blue Bar, from Dilettante

"We as a species have eyes because it prevents us from going around and licking everything all the time," boroditsky says. "We can explore things from a distance. Everything we know about the world comes in through two little holes in our heads."

"She likes bananas because she believes they're directly responsible for humans seeing in color - evolving monkeys had to be able to spot fruit on trees in order to avoid starving."

What if all this talk makes us think twice about relying on our vision for everything, a freaked-out audience member asks? "Licking always works," she says. "When all else fails, go back to licking."

Sci Am, Minkel, �A Way with Words�

For one, some noted that color perception is probably too biologically ingrained to show influence from language.

Mayan speakers, on the other hand, do not refer to objects in plural form, so shape and unit are less ingrained into their speech. Accordingly, their language revolves more around what objects are made of than English; a "candle" to English speakers is a "long, thin wax" to Mayans. � John Lucy, Univ of Chicago

To see if the thought and speech patterns of the two groups coincided, Lucy presented individuals with an object such as a comb or box. He asked study subjects to decide which of two other objects was more similar--one with the same shape but made of a different material or vice versa. The groups' preferences split along linguistic lines. English speakers fancied shape; Mayans liked material. Lucy and a coworker then found that Mayan children shared the English predilection for shape until age seven or so, but turned toward material by age nine. This cognitive difference appeared after the children had acquired language, suggesting that their thought patterns diverged as they acclimated to their way of speaking.

To give two different-language groups the same test, you have to translate it. "But once you've translated the test, you no longer know if you've got the same test," Boroditsky explains. So she has focused on bilinguals.

Even toasters have gender in our private thoughts, according to one study. Bilingual individuals shown pictures of objects and people rated the objects more similar (on a scale of one to four) to girls, ballerinas and other inherently feminine words if the objects were grammatically feminine in their native language. So too, they found objects more similar to inherently masculine words if the object names were masculine.

Native English speakers showed similar patterns after they learned the grammar system of a made-up language. In other words, just a brief change in the way people talk can create a measurable effect, Boroditsky says.

She next examined how English speakers compared with Mandarin-English bilinguals in thinking about time. English speakers tend to talk about time in terms of horizontal dimensions: for example, the meeting was moved "forward" or "back." In Mandarin, however, next month is "down" the calendar and last month is "up." As you might expect would be the case if the two groups think about time differently, the bilinguals figured out if one event preceded another faster after concentrating on a vertical stimulus, and the English-only group benefited from horizontal cues. Moreover, those in the Mandarin group who learned English later in life tended to have a stronger vertical bias. Indicating that it wasn't necessarily the Mandarin convention of writing vertically that caused the effect, English speakers trained briefly to talk about time using vertical metaphors showed more Mandarin-like results on the same tests. "That's a really powerful effect of language on thought," Boroditsky concludes, and one that shows how flexible our minds are.

Maybe language itself gives us some of this flexibility, says Gentner, particularly when it comes to grasping relationships. She and a colleague tested three- to four-year-old kids with a hide-and-seek game that used two matching three-tiered shelves. On each tier was an identical plastic pig, and one of the pigs had a toy hidden inside. The child got to see where the winning pig was in one shelf. Then, to find the toy, he or she had to choose the pig in the same relative position in the other shelf--a challenging analogy for a child that age, Gentner notes. The kids often lost track of the winning position and searched randomly. When the test administrator started the game by naming the three locations--top, middle and bottom--the kids chose the correct location far more often, so the spatial terms helped them remember. For difficult problems, then, the proper use of language can invite us to think in a more productive way, Gentner says.

 

Discussion with Deb before lecture 021008

the Regier model is one of the better examples of a mathematical model of spatial semantics

let's assume he's approximately correct in some of the features that he's extracting

we know that we definitely reuse spatial terms to describe temporal

what Boroditsky showed is that this is not just some sort of coinicidence or loose metaphor, but that they're tightly connected - and if you change the way people think spatially, it affects the way they think temporally

develop some models of that connection

start with something like a Regier model, very concrete, and then play with it, and see how you can hook it in to the temporal and put it to some use, and maybe replicate some of the behaviour

 

Discussion with Deb after lecture 021008

Lera

show them pictures (non-linguistic) with languages that do and don�t mark tenses � if you�re an English speaker you�re much more likely to confuse people, but if you�re an Indonesian speaker, you�re much more likely to make tense errors

she always does her experiments bi-directionally, but there always seems to be a source + target

regier + carlson

wouldn�t you want to learn from raw data???

you run into trouble � always need some kind of starting representation

the blank slate idea just doesn�t hold water

 

questions you want to decide for your learning system, e.g. for a NN

representation � what encoding you use

structure/learning algorithm � learning rule

parameter estimation � values of weights

usually, when people talk about machine learning, they�re just talking about the third � though sometimes they�re talking about structure learning

internal representation � you�ve already made some decisions as an engineer in terms of what you feed it

PDP group � wickelgreen??? past tense verb inflections learnt by connectionist systems

 

the lera space-time project is more about analogy-making than learning

how do you draw those analogies except by some sort of learning system???

how can you put the geometric represnetation to use for temporal represntation

paper on the semantics of �in� � words like �ahead� and �beside�

 

 

how early do words like �above� show up developmentally???

can we teach them to chimps???

 

see Landau + Jackendorff (1993) BBS � the �what� and the �where� of the spatial �??? or something like that � separating out shape and � - see Google

thinking about language as a lens through which to examine the visual system

what are the minimum set of visual primitive sthat the visual system must be encoding so that we cn tlak about what we see

has a good list of spatial relation terms

 

they�ve already implemented the Regier paper (the features)

trying to standardise the way they implement visual processing

create a world where you can extract features from simulated scenes, and print up some models using that feature set

take the features that have been implemented and the framework in which we talk to those features � use some sort of simple statistical machine learning to learn a couple of spatial models (e.g. ahead (has some notion of directionality), next, near???), collect some data with a landmark and trajector, feed into the system, get back the regier features, see if you�ve trained a reasonable model for whatever spatial terms you�ve picked � at that point we�ll have another conversation

 

start thinking about how you would reuse that model

starting idea:

2D world, with some model of next, project onto 1D world, using that projection as the starting point for how you ground the meaning of next

objects become intervals, relations between objects become intervals on a timeline

Lera�s intuition � don�t project � keep it in 2D

if you�re not projecting, then what exactly are you doing when moving from the spatial to temporal domain???

I guess you�re presenting things in parallel, then in sequence � perhaps you�re having the two representations at once

semantics of the temporal relation �next�

behaviourally � show them a movie and ask them to describe it � give them several moveies with a description and ask them which fits it

e.g. red flash is next to the blue flash

linguistic behavioural test that you can ask the machine to do, describing/labelling sequ4ences, using its vocabulary (receptive or productive)

kind of like kids when you�re testing their language skills

how do you put it to use???

if you�ve only got one object in your video sequence, then �

 

look at kids language test papers

look at more of lera�s papers

semantics of �in� paper

talk to peter

 

 

Questions

Mind-body ego- vs time-moving perspectives

is the question about moving a meeting forward normally a 50-50 intuitive split???

what other circumstances affect how people answer this question???

what sort of representation(s) do they speculate might underly this phenomenon??? if we were building a cognitive system which represented space + time in some parallel way in the hope of demonstrating a similar result, how should we go about it???

do we know for sure that space is the more fundamental of the two relations???

is it not at least as plausible that time is the more fundamental�

do they even/actually say that space is the more fundamental one??? do they even talk in terms of one being more fundamental than the other???

how can we look at how one has affected the other???

space and time have different dimensionalities (presumably) � might we expect that this dimension-reduction might affect the representation of time somehow???

for instance, she mentions Mandarin and English speakers as utilising horizontal vs (mainly) vertical timelines

given that space and time two have different dimensionalities (3 vs presumably 1), then might there be other/easier representations that the temporal sense could also/instead be co-opting??? like what??? see Strawson on how fundamental the notion of space is to the notion of difference/distance�

I ought to read her paper on comparison to see if there�s some link to be found between space and difference�

is it possible that we might be able to discern some vestigial 3-dimensionality in our temporal representation???

she�s in the brain + cognitive science dept � roughly roughly how do we imagine that this space/time shared/borrowed/over-lapping representation might work � would it be a genetic thing???

do they envisage the representations as being shared vs borrowed vs over-lapping???

surely we should expect that there are different types of spatial representations??? indeed, we know that motor commands are represented to different levels of detail in different parts of the motor cortex, so presumably there�s more than one spatial representation too

is she saying that at some stage in our evolutionary (or even developmental) past, the time-representation grew out of/co-opted our mental space-representation structure???

or is she saying that in some way the two are still linked, still co-located in neural space, and so thinking about space influences thinking about time???

if it is the latter she�s saying, then shouldn�t we be able to test this by getting people to think about time and seeing how it affects their thoughts about space???

if we accept that space and time do share a representation:

what other co-opted representations might there be???

e.g. Lakoff and Johnsons�s list of �metaphors we live by� include �argument is war�, �virtue is up�, �love is a patient/force/madness/magic/war� and �ideas are food/buildings/people/plants� etc.

how can we look at how the co-opting occurs???

does it depend specifically on the nature of the initial representation, and the task to which the new representation will be applied, or can we generalise???

how easy is it???

can we imagine a genetic mechanism for it??? doesn�t Pinker consider that it would be a pretty easy thing to do, given that he thinks that certain neural architectures are specifed in the genes somewhere broadly, only requiring that some string of genes get processed twice etc.???

what alternatives to the idea that space and time representations have some linkages are there???

is this a quirk of evolution, or might it in fact conceivably/ever be otherwise???

what would it take to discredit the notion???

is this the sort of thing that Minsky would endorse???

 

Linguistic relativity

boroditsksy - linguistic relativity - can't they branch into less basic/perceptuomotor linguistic relativisms???

i know this is hard to demonstrate experimentally, but we're interested in concepts, not immediate sensory representations. the shape vs material preference, like the gender-based adjective preferences does go some way towards this though�

look at my pinker notes on lakoff(???) � see questions + summary above

with the experiment which teaches English speakers to use vertical time words like Mandarin, presumably this is thought to show that language�s effects on concepts are immediate and plastic�???

but couldn�t it also show simply/perhaps that both conceptual representations are present at all time, but only get filtered/affected when/after you start to talk about them�???

but what about memory

Regier & Carlson

are the first three models straw men??? I haven�t seen the fourth yet. it all feels pretty obvious

would we ever want to specify the exact nature of the spatial representation in this much detail??? I suppose we probably would, unless we were being really hands-off and self-organising

no, I know what I�m trying to ask � I�m wondering why/whether we�d ever want to build in a feature/definition/sense/model of something like �above� � surely, we�d want that to be a concept that is implicitly represented in whatever (world-centred/allocentric) schema you have of space, that your linguistic concepts can attach to/bring out/

would Stringer�s place coding stuff be relevant??? isn�t place coding more to do with absolute references???